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20121101
20121101
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across north africa beginning with egypt, i've asked our speakers to limit the remarks to roughly seven minutes in order to reserve plenty of time for your questions and answers. dr. anthony and the organizers as always have provided with a series of thought-provoking questions, and as with previous panels, question cards we available to you. so first, i'd like to call on karim who is a visiting professor, and served as a great egyptian diplomat with direct experience in egypt's diplomacy towards middle east regional security, arms control and nonproliferation issues. is also a veteran of the egyptian information and political military affairs office here in washington. so it offers a unique insight into the delicate relationship new leaders find themselves maneuvering in. mr. haggag, thank you. >> thank you, and i'd like to thank the council for this opportunity. it's a pleasure to be here with you today. i'd like to focus my remarks on foreign policy, particularly the challenges facing the new egyptian government in the foreign policy and region security realm, but i can set the conce
that the spring is beneficial, we see that in egypt, this is not necessarily the case. the muslim brotherhood in egypt, the sunni islam that party with different views of regional policy. the egyptian president was in tehran recently for the non-aligned movement meeting and there is a lot of worry at him going to tehran would indicate that iran was isolated as the u.s. had imagined it to be or wanted it to be. more see meeting with iran officials indicated iran is an important regional player. of course what did morrissey during undreamed due? he criticized the regime of bashar al-assad and implicitly criticized the regime for his support of syria. this was an embarrassment for the iranian leadership, to the point that they change translation on television. he criticized syria and every man television set by rain. so trying to save face basically. but we've seen that egypt is not necessarily going to follow iran's policies in the region. in fact, the egyptians have kept their distance from tehran. they have not resumed relations in this a lot of tension in some issues. in addition, turkey eme
will not willfully step aside as we saw in tunisia, egypt and even in yemen. and i would argue probably is not amenable to any sort of negotiated solution. the second constant is that the opposition has been perpetually divided, fragmented, unable to coalesce around a unifying vision of a post-assad syria. we've seen divisions among the external opposition, we've seen divisions inside syria, we've seen divisions among the arms groups, divisions based on ideology, divisions based on patrons and so forth. and the third factor is that the international community has remained at a stalemate, has been unable to reach a consensus on how to move forward in syria. we've seen three security council vetoes by russia and china causing many to call the u.n., essentially, ineffective in this crisis. so it's been the interplay of these three factors, i would argue, that has led syria down the path that it has taken. in terms of u.s. policy, u.s. policy is based on the objective of having assad, as president obama called for, step aside. this was back in august of 2011. the problem with u.s. policy is
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